Nuclear Deal Essay Example

Nuclear Deal Essay Nucle The Implications for the Indo-U. S. CivilNuclear Deal Justine Isola Justine Isola is Visiting International Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi August 26, 2010 Summary By some calculations, the chances that India will test a nuclear weapon in the coming years are not high. But if India again surprises the world as it did in 1998 with five nuclear explosions in the desert of Rajasthan, then conversations on the implications for the Indo-U. S. ivil-nuclear deal will begin. The record of debate on testing during negotiations reflects the depth of American concern that testing will lead to unstable nuclear escalation and the lengths the U. S. went to in order to deter India from conducting new tests. But it also underscores U. S. resolve to forge a new relationship with India despite evident disagreement on a thorny issue. Studying the finely wrought language of the deal reveals some persisting ambiguity about how the deal would be affected if India were to resume testing.However, in the event of a test, it’s a safe bet that several factors will play into determining U. S. response: the preferences of U. S. leaders, domestic lobbying, and geopolitical balance of power considerations. This response will be constrained by the strength of the U. S. -India relationship. Further, due to Indias deepening nuclear ties with the rest of the world, any U. S. response may have only a modest impact on India. If India Tests? The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 2 e The conclusion of the Indo-U. S. civil-nuclear deal in the fall of 2008 arked the end of three years of negotiations between the U. S. and India. Completion of the deal should not, however, obscure the history of domestic debate within the U. S. and India on how the terms of the deal apply. One issue on which lack of consensus notably persists within the U. S. is how the deal would be affected by India testing a nuclear weapon. As a Carnegie Endowment pub lication released during the thick of negotiations predicted, on the topic of nuclear testing, â€Å"[t]he ambiguities of this agreement invite future disputes and recriminations. 1 More recently, a Council on Foreign Relations backgrounder on the deal echoed this sentiment, referring to the repercussions of testing as â€Å"a potential area of dispute. †2 Examining U. S. laws on nuclear exports and cooperation suggests that the President would have to take some mandatory steps in response to a test. But (s)he would also have some discretionary authority. Looking at public statements and government debate on the issue of testing when Congress was negotiating the terms of the deal only underscores this lingering uncertainty about what India can expect from the U.S. if it resumes testing. However, several factors will certainly play into determining whether testing would jeopardize the agreement: who is in power in Washington, the strength of domestic interest groups, and bala nce of power geopolitics. Analysis of these factors suggests that the increasingly close ties between the U. S. and India may leave the U. S. with limited options for influencing India’s behaviour. Burgeoning nuclear ties between India and the rest of the world may further mean that the end of U. S. nuclear cooperation would have only a modest impact on India.The letter of the law U. S. President Bush and Indian Prime Minister Singh’s July 18, 2005, joint statement on civilian nuclear cooperation ushered in a heated debate between their two governments on the terms of this partnership. 3 Testing emerged as one of the most contentious issues from the start. Despite Prime Minister Singh’s promise in the joint statement to continue India’s unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing, many non-proliferation advocates in the U. S. were unhappy that the proposed agreement on cooperation did not explicitly prohibit Indian testing.The stakes were nuclear escalation in an unstable South Asia and the spectre of Indian testing triggering global proliferation. Some noted that the terms of 1 See chart accompanying Sharon Squassoni’s â€Å"Issues in U. S. -India Nuclear Cooperation,† Proliferation Analysis, November 7, 2007, http://www. carnegieendowment. org/npp/publications/ index. cfm? fa=view;id=19697. Jayshree Bajoria and Esther Pan, â€Å"The U. S. -India Nuclear Deal,† Backgrounder, Council on Foreign Relations, Updated November 20, 2009, http://www. cfr. org/publication/9663/ usindia_nuclear_deal_html. Joint Statement Between President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh,† July 18, 2005, http://www. armscontrol. org/print/3292. 2 3 IDSA Issue Brief 3 the deal could in fact make it easier for India to test. 4 Others simply saw not tying the deal to India signing the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty as a missed opportunity for nonproliferation. 5 They pushed for stronger language on the consequences of test ing. It was against this backdrop that Congress was conducting hearings on amending U. S. domestic law to loosen nuclear export legislation — the first hurdle to approving the civil-nuclear deal.The U. S. Atomic Energy Act (AEA) requires a formal agreement delineating the terms of civil-nuclear cooperation and stipulates that several criteria be met before such a â€Å"123 agreement† —so-called after section 123 of the Act — can go into effect. Congress had to exempt the proposed U. S. -India 123 Agreement from some of those criteria. Specifically, Congress had to excuse India from full-scope safeguards on all of its nuclear facilities and allow exports even though India had tested nuclear weapons in 1998. These were two equirements negotiators recognized early on as impossible to meet. 6 President Bush signed the Henry J. Hyde United States-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act into law on December 18, 2006, granting the above exemptions and preli minary approval to the civil-nuclear deal. This legislation arguably comes down clearly on the consequences of future tests: It specifies that all waivers â€Å"shall cease to be effective if the President determines that India has detonated a nuclear explosive device after the date of the enactment of this title. 7 And it does not exempt India from an Atomic Energy Act provision that in the event of a test, a partner country must return nuclear material and equipment acquired through trade. 8 Of course, the President retains the authority subsequently to waive the AEA’s termination of cooperation requirements if he determines that the â€Å"cessation of such exports would be seriously prejudicial to the achievement of United States non-proliferation objectives or otherwise jeopardize the common defence and security. †9 Whether or not the U. S. 4See Michael Krepon’s comments at Arms Control Association briefing, â€Å"The Senate and the U. S. Indian Nuclear De al: Issues and Alternatives,† November 14, 2006, http://www. armscontrol. org/ print/3230. See Paul K. Kerr, â€Å"U. S. Nuclear Cooperation with India: Issues for Congress,† Congressional Research Service, November 5, 2009, p. 14. Kerr, p. 33. See section 106 â€Å"Inoperability of Determination and Waivers† of Henry J. Hyde United StatesIndia Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act of 2006. See section 123(a)(4) of the Atomic Energy Act. Kerr, p. 32. 5 6 7 8 9 If India Tests?The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 4 e would in fact require India to return all transferred materials could well depend on what was transferred. If for example, India had only received supplies inconsequential for proliferation at the time of termination, the U. S. would not likely require the return of materials. But the Hyde Act and the Atomic Energy Act clearly provide Congress with unambiguous grounds (some would say mandatory obligations) for ending the deal and req uiring India to return nuclear material if India were to again test weapons.In debating the Hyde Act, the U. S. Congress also addressed concerns that the civil-nuclear deal would make it easier for India to test. For example, then-Senator Obama had proposed an amendment to the bill to â€Å"clarify United States policy in order to deter nuclear testing by foreign governments. †10 This amendment, which encourages limits on Indian reactor fuel reserves in order to make testing more difficult in the event of a cut-off of supplies, appeared in the final version of the Hyde Act as Section 103 (b) (10). 1 Following passage of the Hyde Act, the next hurdle to wrapping up the civil-nuclear deal was garnering Congressional approval for the 123 Agreement reached between leaders in Washington and New Delhi in July 2007. The 123 Agreement’s language on testing is not as clear-cut as that of the Hyde and Atomic Energy Acts. 123 agreements usually explicitly prohibit testing. But In dia had successfully prevented the agreement from including language explicitly stating that renewed nuclear testing would lead to termination of U. S. supplies.The provisions of the 123 Agreement thus raised some questions about whether the U. S. would in fact act decisively were India to test. 12 Congress scrutinized the 123 Agreement’s compliance with the testing provisions of the Hyde and Atomic Energy Acts, focusing on the following passages: The 123 Agreement states that â€Å"[e]ither Party shall have the right to terminate this Agreement prior to its expiration on one year’s written notice to the other Party. †13 10 â€Å"United States-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act,† Congressional Record, November 16, 2006, p. S10985.For more on Senator Obama’s positions on the civil-nuclear deal see Brahma Chellaney, â€Å"Obama’s India-Nuclear Legacy,† Asian Age, June 18, 2008, http:// chellaney. spaces. live. com/blog/cns! 49 13C7C8A2EA4A30! 622. entry. Section 103(b)(10) of the Hyde Act states, â€Å"Any nuclear power reactor fuel reserve provided to the Government of India for use in safeguarded civilian nuclear facilities should be commensurate with reasonable reactor operating requirements. † Chellaney’s article is the source for information about Obama’s amendment appearing in the final version of the bill.For further discussion of perceived inconsistencies between the Hyde Act and the 123 Agreement, see Proceedings of the Brookings Institution, July 30, 2008, Washington, D. C. â€Å"The U. S. -India Nuclear Agreement,† participants Stephen P. Cohen, Strobe Talbott, R. Nicholas burns, and Robert Einhorn, http://www. scribd. com/doc/6397716/Steve-P-Cohen-The-USIndia-NuclearAgreement-the-Brookings-Institution. All citations from version of â€Å"Agreement for Cooperation Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of India Concerning Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy (123 Agreement)† released by U. S.Department of State, August 3 2007, merln. ndu. edu/archivepdf/ india/State/90157. pdf. 11 12 13 IDSA Issue Brief 5 However, the agreement advises both the U. S. and India to â€Å"consider the relevant circumstances† and â€Å"take into account whether the circumstances that may lead to termination or cessation resulted from a Party’s serious concern about a changed security environment or as a response to similar actions by other States which could impact national security. † Further, the agreement urges both countries to â€Å"recognize that exercising the right of return† to compel India to send back any nuclear material acquired from the U.S. â€Å"would have profound implications for [U. S. -India] relations. † Finally, the agreement also spells out how the U. S. would help India work with other countries on ensuring its fuel supply if the U. S. were to cease supplying to India. 1 4 Such stipulations provide manoeuvring room for India to defend a decision to test as a response to a new security threat from countries such as China or Pakistan and arguably, for the U. S. to find creative ways to respond. Primary sources from when Congress was conducting hearings on the deal offer some clues to how the U.S. could interpret the above language in future scenarios. For example, correspondence between Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Tom Lantos and State Department assistant secretary for legislative affairs Jeffrey T. Bergner reflects Congressional concern about what was left unsaid in the 123 Agreement. In response to the question â€Å"Would any of these commitments continue to apply if India detonated a nuclear explosive device? If so, under what circumstances? †, the State Department offered reassurances that the U.S. would have the right to cease nuclear cooperation with India â€Å"immediately. †15 In response to concern that t he fuel supply assurances would mitigate the effects of U. S. cut-off, the State Department clarified that the purpose of these assurances was to â€Å"guard against disruptions of fuel supply to India that might occur through no fault of India’s own. †16 In response to a question about how provisions for a â€Å"lifetime† supply for India’s safeguarded reactors was consistent with Senator Obama’s amendment on limiting fuel 14 The United States will support an Indian effort to develop a strategic reserve of nuclear fuel to guard against any disruption of supply over the lifetime of India’s reactors. If despite these arrangements, a disruption of fuel supplies to India occurs, the United States and India would jointly convene a group of friendly supplier countries to include countries such as Russia, France and the United Kingdom to pursue such measures as would restore fuel supply to India,† Ibid. â€Å"Questions for the Record submit ted to Assistant Secretary Bergner by Chairman Tom Lantos House Committee on Foreign Affairs,† October 5, 2007, Question 16.Ibid. , Questions 17 and 18. 15 16 If India Tests? The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 6 e reactor reserves, the State Department replied simply, â€Å"[w]e do not read these provisions to be inconsistent. †17 Finally, when asked why the agreement does not contain â€Å"explicit† language on â€Å"actions that would give the U. S. the right to terminate nuclear cooperation† in the event of a test, the State Department answered that the agreement â€Å"provides for a clear right for the U. S. o terminate nuclear cooperation and a right to require the return of equipment and materials subject to the agreement in all of the circumstances required under the Atomic Energy Act, including if India detonated a nuclear explosive device†¦Ã¢â‚¬ 18 These exchanges offer some insight into how the U. S. could interpret the provisions on testing and termination in the various components of the civil-nuclear deal should India ever again test. In underscoring the U. S. right to end cooperation and request the return of nuclear materials, the State Department does not specify whether such a response would be mandatory.Eleventh-hour controversy and persisting post-deal ambiguities The clarifications provided by the State Department did not put an end to debate about Indian testing. In fact, the testing controversy remained live even after President Bush signed the United States-India Nuclear Cooperation Approval and Nonproliferation Enhancement Act, the legislation that approved the 123 Agreement. For example, before sending the bill to the President, the Senate rejected an eleventh-hour amendment to end nuclear exports if India were to test nuclear weapons. 19And even so, the Indian government was taking no chances.Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice had arrived in New Delhi several days after Congress a pproved the bill and was expected by many to get Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee’s signature on the agreement. 20 But the Indian government insisted that President Bush sign first, reportedly in the hope that Bush would make a final statement speaking to India’s concerns about continued fuel supplies if India were to conduct a test. 21 On October 8, 2008, President Bush signed the bill without the much-sought after explicit language on the repercussions of testing.In his statement, he noted simply that the legislation authorizing the 123 Agreement â€Å"does not change the 17 18 19 Ibid. , Question 19. Ibid. , Question 35. Bajoria and Pan. Amendment was S. AMDT. 5683 to H. R. 7081 â€Å"To prohibit nuclear trade with India in the event that India detonates a nuclear weapon and to impose certain certification, reporting, and control requirements. † The amendment was introduced and rejected on October 1, 2008. The Senate passed H. R. 7081 the same day. R ama Lakshmi, â€Å"Glitch Delays Signing of India Nuclear Pact,† The Washington Post, October 5, 2008. Ibid. 20 21IDSA Issue Brief 7 fuel assurance commitments that the United States Government has made to the Government of India, as recorded in [the agreement]. †22 Just weeks after Bush signed the 123 Agreement, The Washington Times ran an editorial chastising his administration and Congress for approving the deal and urging the incoming Obama administration to end cooperation if India were to resume testing. 23 Citing â€Å"serious concerns† about the deal’s compliance with the standards of the Hyde Act, the authors argued that â€Å"the next administration must make it clear that conditionality or not, the U.S. will cut off nuclear supplies if India conducts another test. † 24 The Obama administration has not released such a statement. More recently, disagreement on the testing issue contributed to delays resolving the latest successfully conclud ed aspect of the nuclear deal — the terms of the agreement that will allow India to reprocess spent fuel. In an April 5, 2010, interview, the Carnegie Endowment’s Mark Hibbs was asked about what would happen to the reprocessing agreement if India were to test a nuclear weapon. Hibbs explained that lthough â€Å"[t]he arrangements do not explicitly state that an Indian nuclear test would be grounds for suspending U. S. consent to reprocessing †¦ the United States could base suspension upon its determination that a test constituted a serious threat to U. S. national security. †25 An Arms Control Association report on the terms of the reprocessing agreement clarifies how the repercussions of testing could play out, citing the language of the agreement: The â€Å"sole grounds† for seeking suspension are â€Å"exceptional circumstances limited to† a determination by either party that â€Å"continuance of reprocessing of U.S. -obligated material at the Facility would result in a serious threat to the Party’s national security† and a determination that â€Å"suspension is an unavoidable measure. †26 The testing issues, it appears, will not be laid to rest anytime soon. Forecasting U. S. response The above overview provides ample evidence of the primacy of the testing issue in negotiations about the civil-nuclear deal and persisting post-deal ambiguities. As this analysis demonstrates, despite vigorous debate and careful examination of the language of each component of the deal, U.S. response to an Indian test is arguably uncertain. Those who want to predict U. S. response should also be mindful that whatever the deal 23 Lawrence J. Korb and Winny Chen, â€Å"U. S. must suspend deal if India tests another nuke,† The Washington Times, November 11, 2008. Ibid. Mark Hibbs, â€Å"Moving Forward on the U. S. -India Nuclear Deal,† Carnegie Endowment, Q;A, April 5, 2010, http://carnegieendowment. org/ publications/index. cfm? fa=view;id=40491. Daniel Horner, Arms Control Today, â€Å"India, U. S. Agree on Terms for Reprocessing,† May 2010, http://www. rmscontrol. org/act/2010_05/US-IndiaReprocessing). 24 25 26 If India Tests? The Implications for the Indo-U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 8 e says, the president and a simple majority in Congress could enact freestanding legislation to end cooperation. 27 For these reasons, in addition to mining the relevant legislation to identify triggers for termination, onlookers should consider how factors such as the makeup of leadership in Washington, pressures from domestic interest groups, and geopolitical context could play a decisive role in shaping this response.Who’s in power in Washington – Studying the copious record of debate on testing is a reminder of the fact that the Bush administration and Congress did not see eye to eye on all aspects of the deal. With a new president and newly elected members of Congress, some of these fault lines may again appear in the future. President Obama’s statements and positions as a senator give reason to believe he would favour acting decisively if India were to test. Some observers have even contended that the Obama administration has been deliberately slow to implement the civil-nuclear deal, perhaps reflecting residual opposition to its terms. 8 If the American public does not re-elect Obama for a second term, this calculus would shift. Turnover in Congress after the upcoming midterm elections could also shake things up. Domestic interest groups – No matter who is in the White House, any President deciding whether or not to terminate cooperation would want to factor into consideration the growing influence of the Indian American lobby in the U. S. and its perception of a U. S. response. 29 The deal signified an elevation of U. S. -India partnership. Ending the deal could be similarly symbolically significant. Business interests will also shape th e nature of U. S. esponse. Some critics of the nuclear deal have long held that business interests drove the initiative. 30 And economic self-interest could certainly reduce the likelihood of U. S. termination. American companies such as GE Hitachi and Westinghouse that are poised to construct nuclear reactors in Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat will not want to be cut out of Indian markets. 31 According to a U. S. -India trade group, such business may be worth $130 billion by 2030. 32 27 See Michael A. Levi and Charles D. Ferguson, â€Å"U. S. India Cooperation: A Strategy for Moving Forward,† CSR No. 16, June 2006, Council on Foreign Relations, p. 9. Raja Karthikeya, â€Å"India’s CTBT debate: Conviction or Con‘fusion,’† published on the website of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (http://csis. org), Sept. 28, 2009. For coverage of the growing influence of the Indian American lobby see Mira Kamdar, â€Å"Forget the Israel Lobby. The H ill’s Next Big Player Is Made in India,† The Washington Post, September 30, 2007, http://www. washingtonpost. com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/09/28/ AR2007092801350. html. See for example J. Sri Raman, â€Å"The U. S. -India nuclear deal – one year later,† Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, October 1, 2009, http://www. hebulletin. org/web-edition/features/the-us-indianuclear-deal-one-year-later. Randy Woods, â€Å"India names sites to host reactors by GE Hitachi, Westinghouse,† Nucleonics Week, October 22, 2009. Mark Hibbs, â€Å"Moving Forward on the U. S. -India Nuclear Deal,† Carnegie Endowment, Q;A, April 5, 2010, http://carnegieendowment. org/publications/index. cfm? fa=view;id=40491. 28 29 30 31 32 IDSA Issue Brief 9 Balance of power geopolitics – Concern about preserving the balance of power in Asia and assessing the motives that may have led India to test in the first place will also play a role in determining U.S. response to an Indian test. India may in the future want to expand its nuclear arsenal or increase the credibility of its thermonuclear deterrent in response to developments in neighbouring countries. If India were to test following overt territorial aggression by China or Pakistan, then it is probable the U. S. government would indeed excuse Indian tests. If India were to test in the wake of testing by China or Pakistan, it is again possible that the U. S. would tolerate a reciprocal act, though it is hard to imagine officials in Washington not feeling compelled to respond in some shape or form.It should also be noted that the U. S. will probably have to impose sanctions on India regardless of what steps (if any) it takes with respect to ending nuclear cooperation. The Glenn Amendment to the Arms Export Control Act mandates that the U. S. cease assistance to any non-nuclear weapons state involved in the transfer or use of a nuclear explosive device, although the president has authority to dela y imposing sanctions if he deems they would be â€Å"detrimental to the national security of the United States† and waive them entirely with Congress’s approval. 3 This was the law triggered in 1998 when India conducted five nuclear explosions in the desert of Rajasthan. But the impact of such sanctions has been debated. 34 The political will to maintain sanctions against India (and Pakistan, which had conducted its own nuclear tests following India’s tests) seems to have been lacking as penalizing India became less important than securing business opportunities and India’s partnership on emerging regional security concerns. Congress repealed sanctions against India less than two years after they went into effect. 5 As the above snapshots of the factors that could determine a U. S. response to Indian testing suggest, people-to-people, business, and security ties between the U. S. and India have only grown since then. These factors (with the exception of t he make-up of U. S. leadership) demonstrate the ways in which U. S. response to Indian testing could be complicated by the transformation of the U. S. -India relationship since the end of the Cold War. Increasing partnership may limit the scenarios under which the U. S. would end the civil-nuclear deal or take supplementary steps such as imposing sanctions.Why ending the deal may not matter to India Understanding how India will be impacted by a U. S. response to testing is as important 33 See Section 102(b) of the Arms Control Export Act. India is a non-nuclear weapons state as defined by the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. For a comprehensive discussion of the impact of the 1998 sanctions against India and Pakistan see Robert M. Hathaway, â€Å"Confrontation and Retreat: The U. S. Congress and the South Asian Nuclear Tests,† Arms Control Today, January/February 2000, http://www. armscontrol. org/act/2000_0102/rhjf00. Ibid. 34 35 If India Tests?The Implications for the Indo- U. S. Civil-Nuclear Deal 10 e considering the nature of the response. There is good reason to believe that India would as not be adversely affected by a cut-off of U. S. nuclear supplies. Even if the U. S. stops nuclear cooperation with India, several other countries are poised to step in and begin exporting fuel and technology to India. Shortly before Congress approved the deal, the Nuclear Supplies Group agreed to exempt India from the usual rules governing global nuclear trade, freeing India to cooperate with other NSG member states on nuclear trade.India currently has bilateral nuclear agreements in place with the U. S. , France, Russia, Kazakhstan and Canada. 36 The NSG exemption opening up trade with India may in fact be the most significant legacy of the civil-nuclear deal. As George Perkovich explains, â€Å"[i]f India were to test a nuclear device after several years of receiving fuel imports, it would be able to withstand interruption of foreign fuel supplies, especially if in the intervening period India increases its own uranium mining operations. 37 This analysis suggests that Senator Obama was prescient when pushing for limits on Indian reactor fuel reserves. In the future, however, cut-off of U. S. supplies may not be a sufficient tool for preventing Indian proliferation. Conclusion By some calculations, the chances that India will test a nuclear weapon in the coming years have never been high, deal or no deal. But if India again surprises the world as it did in 1998, then conversations on the implications for the deal will undoubtedly be about more than its finely wrought language.The above record of debate on testing speaks to the depth of American concern that testing will lead to unstable nuclear escalation and to the lengths the U. S. went to in order to deter India from conducting new tests. But the end result of those negotiations also underscores U. S. resolve to forge a new relationship with India despite evident disagreement on a thor ny issue. In the event of a test, it’s a safe bet that the preferences of U. S. eaders, domestic lobbying, and geopolitical balance of power considerations will play a role in determining U. S. response. The effect of that response on an India that is itself deepening ties with the U. S. and diversifying its partnerships is equally worth contemplating. 36 Urjit R. Patel, â€Å"Crucial Deadline for Nuclear Energy Business in India,† The Brookings Institution, http://www. brookings. edu/opinions/2010/0817_nuclear_energy_india_patel. aspx. George Perkovich, â€Å"Global implications of the U. S-India deal,† Daedalus, Winter 2010, p. 26. 37

Realism vs. Liberalism

Realism vs. Liberalism Turn Memo 1: In international relations, two theories are mostly employed in analyzing major issues in politics. Realism and idealism are the two major theories. Idealism is a theory that was first supported by the US president after the Second World War. The theory observes that there are many actors in the international system. The state is not the only actor because other units, such as religious organizations, Multinational Organizations, and supranational organizations exist.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Realism vs. Liberalism specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The state does not have massive powers as far as policy formulation is concerned. For instance, Multinational Organizations influence the policy formulation among the Less Developed Countries. Moreover, religious organizations are known to influence the behavior of states in a number of ways (Lamy 78). An example is given in Poland during the Cold War wh en John Paul II influenced leaders to abandon communism in favor of capitalism. In this regard, it can be observed that Catholic played a critical role in influencing leaders to keep off from the communism. In the international system, the United Nations plays an important role in influencing the foreign behavior of states. For instance, the UN Security Council can impose sanctions to a sovereign state. In Libya, the UN Security Council imposed a no fly zone sanction to the sovereign state because it is the main actor. In contrary, realists observe that the only actor in the international system is the state. The state has the power to formulate foreign policies without consulting any other entity. For instance, the state should not consult the populace before making foreign policies because foreign policy formulation process is considered high politics. In this case, other actors exist to temper with the sovereignty of the state because they should not be involved in the process. R ealists claim that states have the powers to either support or oppose global decisions. It is the responsibility of the state to decide whether to support a policy or not. Moreover, the state confers nationality to individuals. Without the state, an individual cannot move from one corner of the world to the other. The state has established structures that facilitate world security. Turn memo 2: Liberalists observe that there are many actors in the international system. The international system is a community of both states and human beings. The foreign policy should recognize all actors. In this case, the role of other actors must be recognized. As states struggle to accomplish their missions, they must prioritize their goals.Advertising Looking for essay on international relations? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Those goals that aim at fulfilling the common interests should be pursued first as opposed to the goals that accomplish individual interests. Foreign policy formulation should be based on morality. Moreover, it must be based on internationally recognized codes and morals. This is the reason why states intervene militarily whenever human rights are violated. This shows that liberalists value universal interests as opposed to national interests. Hoffman noted that states have a duty beyond their borders. For instance, a state should ensure that the rights of other individuals are not violated, irrespective of whether the individuals are citizens its citizens. Liberalists emphasize human rights meaning that they must always be taken into consideration whenever foreign policies are formulated. To liberalists, the end does not justify the means because leaders must be held accountable at every decision they make. Liberalists are prescriptive implying that foreign policy should be reflective (Mansbach 89). On the other hand, realists observe that the unit of analysis is the state. The inter national system dictates to the state what should be done. In other words, changes in the international system dictate foreign policies. In this regard, the international system is anarchic meaning that it lacks the central authority. Each state is concerned with its own security. States are preoccupied with national interests, not collective security. Therefore, the state will always prioritize its interests. Realists believe that the end will always justify the means. Turn memo 3: To liberalists, the international system is characterized by cooperation. This explains why the US could provide aid to its adversaries such as Japan and Russia during calamities. In the international system, law is respected because it dictates what ought to be done. For instance, states will always cooperate to fight the common enemy. For example, states struggle to achieve peace through nuclear disarmament programs. In the current international system, many states are members of world organizations su ch as the World Trade Organizations and the Atomic Agency. The main aim is to achieve peace and order (Masker 12). To realists, the international system is characterized by brutality and mistrust. In this case, the international system is anarchic implying that some states are powerful than others. The less powerful states are usually subjugated and oppressed. The powerful states control policy formulation at the global arena. For instance, the powerful states control important organizations such as the World Trade Organization and the United Nations. The powerful states use the world organizations to achieve their national interests. The United Nations and the World Trade Organization exist as far as the US would permit.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Realism vs. Liberalism specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Lamy, Steven. Introduction to Global Politics. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. Print. Mansbach, and K. Rafferty. Introduction to Global Politics. New York, NY: Routledge, 2007. Print. Masker, John . Introduction to Global Politics: A Reader. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. Print.

Business Writing 101

Business Writing 101 Business Writing 101 Business Writing 101 By Ali Hale The term â€Å"business writing† covers any piece of writing produced in a business context. I’ll focus here on documents that are produced for internal use (such as memos and plans), and reports aimed at clients. Most jobs today involve a significant amount of writing, especially as you rise up the corporate ladder. Many of us find writing business documents a daunting process – and often procrastinate over it. This article should help you to gain confidence and to know where to start and how to progress. As with any forms of writing, your business writing will benefit if you follow the writing process (planning, drafting, revising, editing and publishing). Planning Your Business Writing Whatever the piece of writing you’re faced with – whether it’s an email to shareholders or a complex report – you should write a plan before you begin. In some cases, that plan will be very brief, perhaps a list of bullet points that you want to cover in your email. For longer documents, your plan may include: facts that you need to check or look up; a list of people whose input is required; the titles of sections or subsections; a list of illustrations or diagrams required. Having a plan means that you can â€Å"chunk† a large project into manageable sections. This is a good way to avoid feeling overwhelmed or stuck on your business writing. Structure Most companies will produce similar types of document on a regular basis. For example, a software company might produce an annual report to shareholders, a monthly newsletter for clients, and a new user guide each time a new software module is released. For each of these documents, your company should have a standard template. This not only saves a lot of work in formatting a new document each time – it provides you with a structure. If no templates exist (which is common if you are a member of a very small company, or if you work for yourself) use a previous example of the same type of document to create a template. When you have to come up with a structure from scratch, consider these possibilities: 1. Chronological Structure Some documents, especially short ones, are best structured chronologically (in order of time). A good example would be a work plan, stating what needs to be done each week for the next quarter. 2. Alphabetical Structure If you need to create a document which involves a large number of separate items, consider ordering it alphabetically (A – Z). This applies particularly to glossaries of terms. 3. Topic Structure In many cases, documents are best split into different topics or areas. For example, a Frequent Asked Questions page for your website could be divided into â€Å"about us†, â€Å"complaints† and â€Å"delivery†, with each section containing several questions related to that topic. Longer Business Documents When you produce a long and complex document such as a report, you should provide an overview at the start. This is often known as an â€Å"executive summary†. (You may also hear it called an â€Å"abstract†, â€Å"synopsis† or â€Å"overview†.) Here’s a ficticious example of an executive summary in a report by â€Å"Big Brother Corp† for their client â€Å"WidgetInc†. Note that a real executive summary would be longer and more detailed: The main objective of this report is to provide a detailed analysis of WidgetInc’s customer demographics. This was done using standard industry procedures (primarily telephone surveys of randomly-selected customers). Big Brother Corp found that 89% of WidgetInc’s customers are aged under 25, and that 63% are male. It is recommended that WidgetInc targets this segment by advertising on popular game and video websites. As well as providing an executive summary, long documents require: A table of contents Clearly-labelled sections and subsections, normally using a numbered structure Business Language and Style All business materials should be written in a clear, formal, professional way – but without using technical jargon or buzzwords. â€Å"Clear†, â€Å"formal† and â€Å"professional† means that you should avoid: Vague or ambiguous statements Jokes, humor, anecdotes and clichà ©s Unsubstantiated facts Slang or potentially offensive language You should also take care over your grammar, punctuation and spelling. Use your company’s style guide when you’re unsure about a particular point of language, layout or style. If a style guide doesn’t exist, create one. A couple of examples illustrating what you might include are: The word government should not be capitalized, unless it starts a sentence All titles, headings and subheadings should be in Title Case (You might decide differently on those points – the organization I worked for used sentence cases for titles, headings and subheadings, following the Guardian newspaper’s style guide.) Avoid padding out your document with impressive-sounding words that don’t say anything. Your writing should be concise and to the point – it shouldn’t involve waffling. In many cases, you will also include a title page, diagrams, appendices, footnotes and other supporting material. Using the Passive Voice The passive voice is used to avoid attributing an action to a specific subject (person or group). For example: The data was analyzed according to our protocols. Rather than: Joe analyzed the data according to our protocols.. In this case, it is probably appropriate to use the passive voice: the reader of the report is unlikely to need to know who analyzed the data – they just want to know that this was done. BusinessWriting.com suggests: Use passive voice when you do not know the actor, you want to hide the identity of the actor, or the actor is not important to the meaning of the sentence. However, the current trend in business writing is to use the passive voice sparingly, especially when communicating with customers. It can make a piece of business writing less engaging, and it can also seem evasive. Business Emails Much of the writing which you do during the business day will be in the form of emails. Many of these will be simple and straightforward, and you won’t necessarily need to plan them in detail. Even for short emails, you should: Write a clear subject line Write a clear subject line – and don’t forget to change the subject line if you’re replying to an email and introducing a different topic. Start with the person’s name, as you would with a letter – it can seem rude or abrupt to launch straight into the body of the email. Sign off with an appropriate closing such as â€Å"Best regards† or â€Å"Warm regards† and your name. In formal contexts where you are not already acquainted with the recipient, use â€Å"Yours sincerely† (or, if you don’t know the name of the recipient, â€Å"Yours faithfully†). Spell-check your email – errors don’t just make you look unprofessional, they can cause confusion, and waste time and resources. Be careful not to use jargon or acronyms unless you’re certain the recipient will understand them. This is particularly important for external communications, eg. with clients, customers or the media. Be familiar with basic email etiquette. Longer emails Keep your emails as succinct as possible, and consider sending an attachment or link to a webpage if you have a lot of information to convey. A good way to structure an email and to make it easy for the recipient to take in all the information is to use bold subheadings to separate sections on different topics. For example: Delivery dates We expect one article (text and image) to be delivered each week, by Wednesday noon. Images Please supply all images as .bmp files. They should be 600px by 400px, and should have a resolution of 300dpi or higher. Payment Invoice bob@widgetsinc.com on completion of work. If you’re sending a lengthy email, you may want to put a one- or two-line summary at the top. It’s also a good idea to make it very clear at the end of your email what action you want. State this clearly, and as a list if appropriate. For example: Could you please email me with: The latest date from Project X Your drafted report on Project Y The times and dates which you would be available to meet next week Remember that, even if your business writing is in the form of an email, you should be professional, polite and ensure that you have provided all the information which the recipient is likely to need. Check Out Other Articles from The Writing 101 Series: The Writing Process Creative Writing 101 Story Writing 101 Letter Writing 101 Business Writing 101 Freelance Writing 101 Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Business Writing category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:50 Incorrect Pronunciations That You Should AvoidEmail Etiquette5 Ways to Reduce Use of Prepositions

Enterprise in action Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Enterprise in action - Essay Example Effectual logic takes advantage of unexpected events in the market. On the other hand, causal logic entrepreneurs engage actively in exploring existing opportunities and are capable of building their future upon them. These investors are able to correlate between one variable and the other and interpret the future depending on the consequence that one variable has over the other. When it comes to basis for taking action, effectual logic investors do not make goals at the beginning but the goals tend to emerge in the course of action. In contrast, causal logic is goal oriented, their means of achievement is determined by a set of goals, and objectives that they strive to satisfy. Causal logic entrepreneurs are driven into investment by the fact of maximizing on risk adjusted to the returns. Effectual logic entrepreneurs will limit their investment to a certain level of their acceptance in order to give them a chance to participate again next time. Effectual logic is more flexible but less secure while causal logic is not flexible but secure to some extent (Stuart Reed,

Currency Options and Their Role in International Trade Essay

Currency Options and Their Role in International Trade - Essay Example In order to deal with the problem of changing market prices, the trader needs to continually evaluate and analyze the functions of the market and the goals of the business enterprise (Stanley 1998). In addition, the business must be in a position to put in place new market rules and to be monitoring the trade trends and its development. In most of the world states, trade has emerged as one of the key sectors of the economy and most of her citizens depend on the trade for their source of living. The growth of the energy markets and the strategies of the energy providers have been the driving force of these trade improvements over the recent years. A number of commodities in the energy sector such as power, gas, carbon dioxide and even the weather have found their way into the trade market in societies. This has led to the improvement of the use of the scarce resources and increased complex organizations, process interfaces and the system infrastructures. The increased demand for data quality has led to most organizations to adopt the need for risk management that reduces the operational costs during the production process and the actual trading exercise (Dell’Ariccia & Marquez 2010). The international trade is finding its way in society and people have actively been involved in the same and this has led to the emergence of new market models such as market coupling are being discussed and this has made it easier for cross-border trading. On the other hand, the international trade implies that different rules and procedures must be followed and this has led to a change in the trading system that bring on board a number of challenges that require adaptation into existing risk management mechanisms. Exchange Traded Currency Options Foreign exchange traded currency options give a company or an individual the right to exchange the currency of their country into another currency of another country at pre-agreed exchange rate at a given time in the future. This i s the world’s market option although most of the currency trade is done in private and hence it is not possible to determine exactly how large the market is. This form of trade is regulated however in a minimized way and most of the transactions are over the counter. With a few exceptions that are traded on exchanges such as the International Securities Exchange, the Philadelphia Stock Exchange, or the Chicago Mercantile Exchange that has options for future contracts (Dong-Hyun & Gao 2003). In the past, the universally accepted currency option was valued by the Bank for International Settlements. For any business enterprise that wish to grow in the international market, there is the need to value the Foreign Exchange factor. Most of the organizations often do not take this risk factor into consideration during their contracts hence the delayed growth, and success in the international market. The international market often fluctuates in value and a given asset or commodity val ued at a given price at a present time might be valued at a higher or lower price in the future due to the exchange rate factor (Manzur, Hoque, & Poitras 2010). In the currency option therefore, the product that is to be traded called a derivative is based on a universally acceptable instrument that

Belonging Essay Example for Free

Belonging Essay Belonging, in essence, refers to the notion associated with the connections individuals make with people, groups and places. Conversely, by belonging to a certain group or place others are indirectly excluded from belonging in the process. Belonging is a connection that we all, as humans, instinctively seek out; it forms part of our natural behavior. Through this process of belonging we ultimately conform and grow as a person, the outcome through which is our place in society is established. The Immigrant Chronicle† by Peter Skrzynecki illustrates how difficult finding a sense of belonging can be by raising the issues experienced when attempting to assimilate in a new cultural environment with all the associated physical, personal and social changes. Similarly, Jeffery Smart’s painting â€Å"The New School† and the short film ‘Mr Cheng’ explore how barriers can hinder our sense of acceptance and belonging. Though it is an innate need to belong it is not always achieved. This idea is accentuated throughout â€Å"In the Folk Museum† as the composer struggles to relate to a history and culture which is not his own. The visit highlights his inner conflict of not knowing where he belongs. He does not feel like a ‘true’ Australian who may look at such ‘relics’ and see cultural significance to them and understand their historical value. Rather he views them in a detached sense â€Å"To remind of a past/ Which isn’t mine†. The poet uses a faceless caretaker as a representative of Australia’s past. She sits next to a â€Å"winnowing machine† an agricultural machine that separates grain from chaff, creating a metaphor for separating the ‘true’ Australians from new migrants. The poet illustrates the caretaker as dull and uninviting, matching her hair colour with the grey clay bottle that is in the museum; causing them to appear be made from the same entity adding to the composers discomfort and estrangement. The composer emphasises his lack of belonging by describing the colour of the museum as well as its â€Å"cold as water† touch showing the disconnection and isolation the composer experiences. The poem reinforces this idea, when the composer is asked to sign the visitor’s books emphasising that he is only a viewer of the Australian history rather than a part of it. Likewise â€Å"St Patrick’s College† also portrays the need to belong; however, it reveals that belonging does not always come naturally despite his mothers attempt to find a way to connect through uniform and the schools reputation. The poet explores this attempt to belong in the third stanza by the stress of â€Å"eight years† passing by and yet he is still â€Å"Like a foreign tourist, Uncertain of my destination, Every time I got off. † The poet reinforces this idea again by the repetition of time in the start of the fourth stanza, establishing that no matter how long, he is still not able to belong. Despite the use of uniform, it is evident that it is only a facade, used in order to create an illusion of belonging. It is not the uniform that binds students together, but rather a unique connection shared with individuals and place. (Link to question here and back to thesis). Jeffery Smart’s painting â€Å"The New School† establishes that although belonging is an innate need, it is not always achieved. Smart is described as a social commentator, a witness to the alienated city dweller or worker in a dehumanized landscape. Elements of his paintings are taken from real places but they are modified and generalised. The effect is that he creates universal scenes which could be renderings of any large modern city rather than being anchored in Australia or Europe. The concept of isolation is shown through the individual’s body language and placement of the hands as well as positioning in the painting. She is distant from the other students, as well as the school, showing she does not fit, emphasising her disconnection and lack of belonging. Jeffery Smart also creates a negative feel through the dark colour of the sky and the sadness the girl displays through her facial expression, showing the difficultly to belong and how the individual feels isolation as she has no connection with these people place or groups. Similarly â€Å"In the Folk Museum†, the composer feels alienated not being able to relate to the Australian culture and history. The poem initiates feelings of isolation and disconnection as the poet questions himself and his place in society as he does not experience a link with the history viewed. Both â€Å"St Patrick’s college† and â€Å"The New School† relate to a place and a lack of belonging. Smart furthermore highlights the struggle to belong by the vectors in his painting. This is shown by the lines of the basketball court, fading as they progressively near the individual, emphasising the student’s estrangement from the school. In the same way Mr Cheng experiences a lack of belonging through the vectors employed by the director, as images of his family appear however they fade emphasising his uncertainty of where he belongs. The director revisits the idea of isolation, illustrated through the severed family connections that Mr Cheng has suffered. Mr Cheng’s alienation is echoed throughout the piece as the director emphasises his exclusion throughout the film through Mr Cheng’s portrayal as being secluded from society. This struggle is shown by the projections of his memories on a brick wall throughout the film, creating a metaphor, representing the wall as a barrier, showing that although he possesses these memories he is blocked from accessing his true identity. Peter Skrzynecki’s, ‘The Immigrant Chronicle’, allows one to see the difficulties the poet, as a second generation migrant; experiences, this being, the dichotomy of belonging to a culture which is not his own and the feeling of estrangement from his parents’ culture. This concept is also shown through Jeffery Smart’s painting ‘The New School’ as the individual struggles similar to that of Mr Cheng to relate to an environment which is unfamiliar.

Attention Deficit Disorder Essay -- Health, Diseases

After a long day of hard work, I was exhausted and really hungry; I hear my stomach making weird noises. I grabbed the keys from the kitchen's table and put my sweater on. I decided to eat something fast but healthy. While I was driving to Wendy's, I was thinking about my order: a large salad, with a large orange juice and bowl of fruit. I was waiting for my turn when I saw Suzy, one of my old friends from high school, she was on the first table with the cutest, adorable, talkative and charming girl I ever seen. As I was approaching her to said hi, I hear this little girl screaming six times on top of her lungs â€Å"HOT DOG!† then she pulled the mat off the table, spilled the water in the table and threw the silverware to the waitress. I was in shock, I couldn't believe that this little girl was capable of doing this scene in front of many people. Everyone keeps looking at her and I hear them murmuring â€Å" What's the matter with them?† â€Å"What kind of mom is she ?† or â€Å"Why they can control that little girl?†. I saw her face of embarrassment, she quickly asked for the bill and left. I felt bad for her but I was wondering why this little girl acted like that. Is it really bad parenting? Or a more serious problem? After I while I discover about this disorder called ADD ( Attention Deficit Disorder), but what causes this disease, what are the symptoms, or what is the treatment? Attention Deficit Disorder or also know as ADD has been called in different forms and terms but synonymously ADD is called ADHD ( Attention Hyperactivity Disorder) but speaking in medical terms they differentiate in many ways. â€Å" According to the DSM-III both types involve difficulty with attention† (Phelan 13). In one hand ADHD can be described as a disorder with att... ...mad at you and to feel like you haven't been let in on the secret. Get in a support group. It is helpful for you and your children to understand that you are not the only one living like this. Never, never give up!! There are some valuable lifelong lessons to learn.† (Hallowell 12) And the most important Attention deficit children need help because they can succeed in social areas if extra help is provided for them. â€Å" Whatever the case, the ADD child needs to be attended to. He or she should not be written as lazy, stupid, or badly behaved. With the proper intervention, the ADD child can be helped.† (Woliver 48) There are parent support groups as well as family therapy. ADD can be considered as a family matter because the relationships are strained or breaking down. This therapies help them to avoid blame and check what problems have caused this.